Martin Luther King Jr. impressed America in August 1963 together with his dream of a nation through which all races could be handled equally. Two months later, the primary carload of Stanford college students left campus for Mississippi.
Editor’s notice: This story initially appeared within the July/August 1996 challenge of STANFORD.
By Bernard Butcher
OCTOBER 26, 1963, is a day that has lengthy remained within the reminiscence of many Stanford soccer followers. On that gentle, sunny Saturday in Stanford Stadium, the lowly “Indians,” who had received solely certainly one of 5 video games to date that season, knocked off mighty Notre Dame by a rating of 24–14. The Band performed late because the crew-cut, lily-white pupil physique went wild. Because the revelers celebrated, pressing calls had been being made that very same day between Jackson, Miss., and the boys’s dormitories of Stern and Wilbur Halls. These calls led to occasions that, in the middle of time, would dwarf the importance of this soccer triumph. The “sixties” had been about to start at Stanford.
Allard Okay. Lowenstein was the instigator of those calls. A charismatic 34-year-old former pupil activist, he had been assistant dean of males and head resident at Stern Corridor two years earlier. His message from Mississippi was easy: Assistance is urgently wanted to encourage blacks to take part in a mock vote scheduled to parallel the November election in Mississippi. The aim of this train was to focus on the truth that solely 5 % of eligible blacks had been registered to vote within the state and to indicate that blacks could be energetic individuals within the political course of if given an opportunity.
This effort was the primary orchestrated use of out-of-state pupil volunteers to help the registration of black voters within the South. This effort laid the groundwork for the well-known “Freedom Summer time” of 1964, through which practically 1,000 college students from exterior the state descended on Mississippi in a well-organized and extremely provocative program of voter registration, training and political organizing. It started the method of change in Mississippi, probably the most intransigent of Southern states, and was a part of a biracial groundswell resulting in the epic Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. It additionally had vital ripple results on Stanford and different elite universities, completely affecting the lives of lots of the individuals.
4 college students instantly packed their baggage and left within the first automobile, which pulled out for Mississippi the morning after the Notre Dame sport. Every pupil both ignored or unexpectedly rearranged midterm exams scheduled for that week. The 4 included Fred Goff, ’69, a junior, who was then president of the Latin America Home; Hugh Smith, ’64, Gr. ’72, who was a senior philosophy main, an East Palo Alto civil rights activist and a freshman sponsor (the equal of right now’s resident assistant) at Wilbur Corridor; sophomore Holt Ruffin, ’66, who had been a member of an advisory group to the coed physique president known as GRIP (“Group with Actual Inside Energy”); and Dennis Sweeney, ’65, who was a junior, a Wilbur sponsor and speaker of the Stanford Scholar Congress. Sweeney was the one one in any respect accustomed to Mississippi, having spent per week there the earlier summer season.
The small group of scholars from Stanford was among the many first to answer the Mississippi problem. They joined the same delegation from Yale, the place Lowenstein had been a legislation pupil and continued to keep up shut ties. The scholars Lowenstein befriended at Stanford two years earlier had now risen to prestigious positions on campus, many as upperclass sponsors in undergraduate dorms. This core group was well-positioned to reply shortly — and to have a giant affect on others.
Even on the time, college students realized the importance of the mission. The departure of the 4 to Mississippi took prime billing over the soccer victory in Monday’s version of The Stanford Each day. That Monday night, pupil physique president Bud Wedin, ’65, and Each day editor Ilene Strelitz, ’64, mentioned the decision for volunteers with 300 college students packed into the Junipero lounge at Wilbur.
After the Junipero assembly, Dwight Clark, dean of freshmen males and resident at Wilbur, recommended the 40 or so college students most enthusiastic about going. A lot trusted his reward for offering the correct mix of encouragement and restraint. “I used to be sympathetic to the trigger and to pupil involvement,” Clark says now, “however I had a duty each to the varsity and to the youngsters to ensure they absolutely understood the problems and the dangers concerned.”
Ultimately, two extra carloads left for Mississippi following the Wilbur assembly on October 28. One group was led by Frank Dubofsky, ’64, a soccer participant and fraternity member with a outstanding array of contacts and commitments who had represented Stanford on the Nationwide Scholar Affiliation conference in Indiana the earlier summer season. “We knew that we’d be moving into the unknown in Mississippi,” Dubofsky recollects, “and we had been all fairly apprehensive. However it simply appeared too essential to not get entangled.
The ultimate automobile was organized by Larry de Bivort, ’65, a junior introduced up in Geneva, Switzerland, whose good friend, Foothill Faculty freshman Dedier Milhaud, occurred to have a station wagon large enough to move six individuals. De Bivort had been sensitized to racial points after touring throughout the South by bus in 1961 with a black Marine good friend from Camp Lejeune in North Carolina. “I used to be appalled on that journey,” he says, “that such excessive attitudes and racial divisions might nonetheless be attainable in America.”
As soon as in Mississippi, the Stanford contingent fanned out throughout the state underneath the route of each Lowenstein and Robert Moses, the charismatic and inspirational state chief of the Scholar Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Scholar volunteers joined native civil rights veterans of their efforts to prepare a parallel election for governor. Blacks, denied the precise to register by white county officers, might then vote for state NAACP President Aaron Henry along with the formally sanctioned candidates. The scholars helped to prepare rallies, activate black school campuses and unfold the phrase personally to as many individuals as attainable. Ultimately, a powerful 80,000 mock votes had been solid by disenfranchised blacks throughout the state.
For everybody within the Stanford delegation, it was per week stuffed with eye-opening experiences. Freshman Jeff Dennis-Strathmeyer, ’64, remembers the apprehension within the de Bivort station wagon on the primary night time in Jackson. They discovered themselves being tailed by a police automobile whereas looking for their lodging within the native “Freedom Home.” “It was the primary time,” he says, “that I ever appeared on the police because the enemy.” De Bivort recollects switching to French when he was speaking to his buddies again at Stanford as a result of he feared that native authorities is likely to be tapping his cellphone.
‘I nonetheless bear in mind the bullet holes within the automobile and being awfully scared.’
THE MOVEMENTS of the white college students had been properly publicized regionally, drawing the eye of white extremists. De Bivort was coming back from a rally one night in a automobile that included John Lewis, then chair of SNCC and now a longtime congressman from Georgia. A string of vehicles tailed them at shut vary for a number of miles earlier than peeling off. “Nothing occurred that night time,” de Bivort says, “however I clearly bear in mind squeezing tight across the driver in order that he could be the final hit if photographs had been fired.
“Police vehicles shadowed us like sharks,” Goff says, “cruising behind us, simply letting us know they had been there.” Goff recollects an officer following some black co-workers and himself right into a Negro cafe in Jackson one night. “You should purchase a Coke in a nigger restaurant,” Goff was suggested, “however you’ll be able to’t drink it right here.”
Hugh Smith had an excellent nearer brush with the white extremists. He and two different SNCC staff had been chased down a rustic street close to Natchez one night time by gun-wielding rednecks in a dilapidated pick-up truck. “We lastly shook them,” he says, “however I nonetheless bear in mind the bullet holes within the automobile and being awfully scared.”
Again at Stanford, Strelitz and her colleagues on the Each day had been making an attempt to widen the Mississippi motion past the slender Lowenstein nucleus. She and Carolyn Egan, ’64, raised greater than $5,000 in small contributions for use principally to publish bond for jailed SNCC staff and volunteers.
Strelitz ignored letters to the editor from college students like Ralph Peer, ’66, who complained that she was “utilizing the information part to additional a trigger pricey to the editor’s coronary heart.” As a substitute, she continued to publish firsthand tales from the Stanford contingent and, on their return to campus, organized a well-attended press convention for 5 members of the group. With Strelitz moderating, Goff praised the energetic help of an woke up Stanford group. “You’ll be able to’t notice,” he mentioned, “what it means to those scared individuals to listen to that Stanford has despatched $5,000 or that Yale college students are in jail. Then they know that they aren’t alone.” Dubofsky was deeply affected by the excessive stage of concern inside the black group. “After we talked to the Negroes, their eyes lit up,” he instructed the press. “You might see they had been frightened to be speaking with us.” Dubofsky says now that the mock vote undoubtedly upset the parable of black political apathy, however “all of us sympathized with the reticence of many blacks who needed to reside with the day-to-day penalties of their actions lengthy after we had been gone.”
Due to Stanford’s excessive visibility within the Freedom Vote marketing campaign, many civil rights activists visited campus all through the autumn and winter of 1963–64. These included perennial Socialist Social gathering presidential candidate Norman Thomas, the Rev. William Sloane Coffin of Yale, SNCC area secretary Bruce Gordon and James W. Silver, the famous liberal historian on the College of Mississippi.
Within the spring of 1964, Stanford was chosen to host a three-day Western States Civil Rights Convention designed to herald college students to listen to the Mississippi story and to study of plans for the upcoming “Summer time Venture” through which giant numbers of pupil volunteers could be wanted to register black voters.
Multiple-third of the Stanford college students who in the end spent the summer season of 1964 in Mississippi credit score the joy generated on the spring convention with solidifying their dedication to the motion. “The important thing particular person who impressed me to go,” Ron Meservey, ’65, says, “was a really persuasive recruiter named Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.” King exhorted an overflow crowd in Memorial Auditorium on April 23 to “come South this summer season to assist create a motion so giant it can’t be ignored, strain so nice the federal authorities can be compelled to behave.”
David Harris, ’67, the longer term anti-war activist and pupil physique president, was then an impressionable freshman. In his e-book, Goals Die Laborious, he describes the scene the next night as SNCC’s Bob Moses introduced Mississippi into the extra intimate confines of Cubberley Auditorium. “I can nonetheless bear in mind snatches of that Friday night time in April,” Harris writes. “Each seat within the auditorium was taken. From the balcony, Bob Moses appeared frail, producing an immense, virtually Zen presence as he talked.” When he completed, “the corridor was completely quiet for nearly a minute as greater than 400 college students continued to pay attention. Then a five-minute standing ovation started.”
Between 40 and 50 Stanford college students finally joined the venture. College, particularly these within the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, had been typically supportive, with professors Otis Pease (historical past), Wilfred Stone (English) and McCord (sociology) truly touring to Mississippi to show within the unexpectedly organized and extremely widespread Freedom Faculties. Assembly in church buildings and group facilities, these faculties had been designed to complement the meager academic alternatives open to blacks. Pease led discussions round points raised in a paper he wrote on Negro energy in American politics. On the conclusion of the summer season, McCord wrote a e-book known as Mississippi: Lengthy Sizzling Summer time, which was one of many first memoirs revealed about these occasions.
The venture that unfolded in Mississippi that summer season was vital in scale regardless of an working funds of lower than $70,000. It concerned roughly 800 college students from exterior the state and about 600 skilled volunteers — academics, attorneys, medical doctors and clergy. The primary cease for many pupil volunteers was a week-long coaching session on the Western Faculty for Ladies in Oxford, Ohio. Two of those had been held; at them, Moses and different seasoned civil staff tried to arrange the uncooked recruits not just for the roles that lay forward, however for the resistance and abuse to be anticipated from Mississippi whites.
The extent of tension shot up significantly on June 21 when the second group of volunteers realized of the disappearance of SNCC employees members James Chaney, Michael Schwerner and Andrew Goodman, who had completed his coaching in Oxford solely the week earlier than. Chris Wilson, ’67, then a freshman, remembers that day properly. “The night time of the disappearances, you would hear a pin drop as Moses stuffed us in on the main points,” he says. “He utterly discounted the hopeful slant we had been getting from the newscasts and mentioned, ‘These three staff are lifeless, make no mistake about it.’ “ Moses then inspired anybody who wished to depart for any motive to take action, with no exhausting emotions.
LATER THAT SAME EVENING, junior Stuart Rawlings, ’65, made a dispassionate entry in his journal. ‘What are my private possibilities?” he requested. After itemizing six or seven key variables, he concluded that “all thought of, I believe my probabilities of being killed are 2 %, or one in 50.” Rawlings and a lot of the different volunteers had been nonetheless within the state when the our bodies of the three victims killed in June had been recovered by the FBI on August four, 1964.
The disappearance of the three civil rights staff expanded an already intense nationwide media protection, first of the coaching in Ohio and later of volunteer deployment in Mississippi. Stanford individuals had been deeply concerned within the press relations workplace in Jackson. Bob Beyers, for 29 years director of the Stanford Information Service, was answerable for that workplace for the primary 5 weeks, with Ben McKendall, Gr. ’67, and Strelitz arriving later in the summertime. “This workplace is sort of past description,” grad pupil Margaret Rose, Gr. ’65, wrote dwelling shortly after her task to the Jackson command middle. “No home windows! Perspiration runs down the again of my legs at four a.m.! Plywood desks are nailed to partitions across the room. Canine, paper, pop bottles, glasses, newspapers and individuals are strewn all over the place. A customer would see no order within the insanity. However it’s there.”
‘There was a relentless feeling that hazard was someplace round.’
The problem for the press workplace was to feed dependable info to a hungry nationwide press corps from scraps coming in from the sphere. Beyers held the primary of about 25 information conferences inside an hour of his arrival and labored 16 hours most days making an attempt to maintain up with developments. “The place civil staff are concerned,” he reported later, “the one protected approach to set up a reality in Mississippi is to dispatch 4 attorneys and reporters to the scene. That approach you’ll be able to all the time have a witness each time the sheriff makes a press release and you may have two males ready to ensure these [collecting the] info aren’t jailed themselves.”
The Jackson press workplace stored a working log of violent incidents through the summer season. The full finally got here to 4 killed, 4 critically wounded, 80 crushed, 1,000 arrested, 67 houses and church buildings bombed or burned. Many at SNCC felt that the final word concern of federal navy intervention — a second Reconstruction — was the one issue preserving the white supremacists from absolutely venting their emotions. Rawlings commented in an unpublished memoir that, whereas few volunteers met violence every day, “there was a relentless feeling that hazard was someplace round. After which, when one thing little went improper — like a flat tire on a rustic street, or a good friend being half an hour late getting back from work — you had been apprehensive.”
Some volunteers lived communally in varied Freedom Homes all through the state, however most had been billeted with native black households. “Residing amongst these coloured individuals,” Rawlings noticed, “was like dwelling underground with all of the gasoline pipes, phone traces and sewage traces. The underworld’s operate was to service the upperworld. The whites up above by no means appeared down, solely throughout at one another. And the Negroes appeared up, did a tough day’s work on the floor, after which climbed down into the darkness of their poor houses.”
Rawlings lived within the dwelling of 83-year-old Dillie Stallsworth exterior Hattiesburg. “Small, stout and energetic,” he wrote, “Mrs. Stallsworth gave the impression to be the epitome of the hard-core soldier within the battle for equality. She mentioned that she was afraid to take part within the demonstrations, however solely as a result of she thought she would violate the nonviolence guidelines and battle again if a policeman hit her.”
Chris Wilson, dwelling in comparable situations close by, additionally saved his best respect for the native individuals with whom he lived and labored. In a July letter dwelling, he quoted his black host household as telling him, “In the event that they throw a bomb, we’ll die with you.” He concluded that, “whereas the volunteers solely needed to survive the summer season, the households sheltering them had signed up for a warfare and not using a foreseeable finish.”
A vivid expertise later in the summertime bore out this statement for Wilson. “Native civil rights chief Vernon Dahmer had organized an end-of-summer picnic on his farm for all of the employees and volunteers within the Hattiesburg space,” he recollects. “It was up on a fairly hill, and I used to be on a pure excessive that day. We had registered plenty of voters, had an exhilarating expertise, and I had survived. In such a setting, I questioned why Vernon had posted his sons as lookouts with shotguns.” Later that fall, with Wilson and the others safely again at school, Dahmer’s home was set on fireplace by native Klan members. “Vernon was capable of get his household out of the home,” Wilson says, “however he was burned to loss of life inside.”
Dennis Sweeney, who later left faculty with a view to proceed his work in Mississippi, requested for task to McComb, a bastion of the Ku Klux Klan and probably the most harmful area within the state. Sweeney was asleep within the native Freedom Home on the night time of July eight when a dynamite blast blew out the entrance of the constructing. “Curtis Hayes [a SNCC field secretary] was nearer to the blast than I used to be,” Sweeney says, “and he took extra of the flying glass than I did. However I ended up with a fairly extreme concussion. I bear in mind all of us in a daze, crawling round on our fingers and knees at midnight, questioning if there was nonetheless extra to come back.” Nicholas Von Hoffman, then reporting for the Chicago Each day Information, stopped by the home subsequent day to take a look at the injury. He requested one of many native policemen on the scene what had occurred. “Seems to be like termites to me,” the officer replied.
Additional to the north in Meridian, medical pupil Luke Kabat, MD ’66, was working in a Freedom Faculty when he and a accomplice determined to take a bunch of scholars to check the brand new Civil Rights Act by integrating the all-white Toddle Home Diner. After the others had gone inside, Kabat was trapped in his automobile within the car parking zone by a big crowd. “They had been hollering ‘niggah lover!’ he wrote on the time. “‘You’re going to get what Schwerner received. You son of a bitch.’ And so they shined vibrant flashlights in my face. I used to be terrified. I’ve by no means seen human faces with such an animal 1ook, and I’ll always remember them.” Kabat was finally rescued by a policeman, and the others escaped. He and his accomplice wound up in jail anyway, charged with contributing to the delinquency of minors.
‘I used to be terrified. I’ve by no means seen human faces with such an animal look.’
On July I0, junior Larry Spears, ’65, described to New York Instances reporter David Halberstam the main points of a savage beating administered that day to himself, volunteer David Owen and Arthur Lilyveld, a outstanding rabbi from Cleveland. These three, together with two black ladies, had been strolling to lunch alongside some railroad tracks exterior of Hattiesburg when two white males received out of a truck carrying two-foot-long iron bars. The youthful attacker went after Larry, calling him a “nigger-lover,” “white-nigger,” “commie” and “Jew,” whereas the opposite took on Owen and the rabbi, who was critically injured within the incident. “After we had recovered sufficient to attempt to make it again to city,” Spears says now, “the identical truck appeared unexpectedly and tried to run us down. Rabbi Lilyveld was dazed and bleeding profusely and was simply capable of make it right into a ditch close by.”
Professor Otis Pease, who was rooming with Spears on the time, was choosing up a automobile at a close-by storage a short time after the incident. “I bear in mind the radio was on to the noon information,” Pease says. “The mechanics all whooped for pleasure when the beating was described.”
Feminine volunteers had been typically assigned to the Freedom Faculties, group facilities or administrative duties relatively than the extra harmful voter registration efforts. Senior Anne Lindsay, ’63, was an exception as a result of she had that the majority helpful of commodities — a automobile. “The issue,” Lindsay says, “was that my automobile was a not-inconspicuous purple Ford Fairlane hardtop convertible with out-of-state plates. It appeared like I used to be all the time on the head of a parade.” Someday, a county sheriff adopted her alongside the filth backroads, stopped her automobile and started to interrogate her with a gun held squarely together with her nostril. “By some means I had the presence of thoughts to remind the officer that we had simply crossed the county line and had been out of his jurisdiction,” she says. “He received rather less confrontational after that.”
Single male volunteers had been normally assigned to voter registration efforts, which had been energetic in all 38 venture websites. Usually working in pairs, volunteers and employees would spend the new days trudging from home to deal with asking individuals to take the sizable and really actual private danger of showing on the courthouse within the normally futile effort to go the registration necessities.
For its July 13, 1964 cowl story on the turmoil in Mississippi, a Newsweek reporter adopted freshman Bob Newbery, ’67, and his accomplice as they tried to persuade a 74-year-old man, rocking on his entrance porch, that he wasn’t too previous to register. “You have got an opportunity to go away a heritage of freedom. Don’t you wish to be free?” Newbery is quoted as imploring. The previous man responded, “Yessuh, thass proper.” However the reporter concluded that “his set, lined face was a map of the black man’s world in Mississippi, a world imprisoned by colour and caste and poverty, and his face mentioned no even earlier than he spoke.”
Senior Carolyn Egan, working in Greenwood, was additionally impressed with the sanctuary represented by the entrance porch of Negro houses. These porches, she wrote, “appear to have grow to be each a haven and jail — constructed from the Negro’s concern by the ‘legal guidelines of White Supremacy.’ ”
Harold Ickes, ’64, who was a senior on the time and later deputy chief of employees to President Clinton, recollects that the majority volunteers had been pissed off at this seeming perspective of indifference and undue deference. “On the time,” he says, “most of us didn’t have a full appreciation of the explanations behind the concern exhibited by most Mississippi blacks. What we took as recalcitrance was, on reflection, absolutely justified. The meager existence they maintained as sharecroppers, laborers or domestics might be shattered in a single day on the whim of the white bosses or landowners. Below the circumstances, the braveness a lot of them confirmed was fairly outstanding.”
However even with the fears they’d for his or her lives and livelihoods, greater than 17,000 blacks responded to the decision and tried to register that summer season. Of those, lower than 10 % had been profitable in passing the exams designed by the white county registrars, Rawlings remembers wheeling a brave, crippled girl named Mrs. Pillars in to see Hattiesburg voter registrar Theron Lynd. “He should have weighed over 300 kilos,” he recollects. “His physique was formed like a pear. On prime was a crew-cut hair type, then slender shoulders, and an infinite waist and buttocks, which ballooned out on all sides of his chair.” After two grueling hours, Pillars and several other others got here out of the registration room trying grim, exhausted and defeated.
The Newsweek cowl story that includes Bob Newbery concluded that the coed volunteers had been scared and courageous abruptly, however “one way or the other the combo of braveness and vitality and naiveté appeared to make, right here and there, some small dents within the wall. Throughout the state, the primary skinny traces of Negroes queued up in dusty court-house squares to register.”
On his return from Mississippi, Professor Wilfred Stone wrote that the lengthy, scorching summer season was a time “when proper and improper appeared clearly outlined and opposed.” Nevertheless, Stone might already see polarization creating inside the motion. “I critically marvel,” he mentioned, “whether or not that have can be obtainable one other summer season, or ever once more, for as I really feel the heartbeat of this revolution, it now has a special beat.”
Certainly, 1964 is now typically thought of to have been the excessive level, not solely of white intransigence within the Deep South however of biracial cooperation within the pursuit of civil rights targets. City riots and black impatience with the gradual tempo of change would result in requires Black Energy and the gradual exclusion of Northern whites from the Southern freedom battle. Activist college students, many utilizing methods realized in Mississippi, would quickly rechannel their vitality into the convulsive upheavals of the late 1960s — the Free Speech motion, pupil energy, anti-Vietnam Warfare protests, and the struggles of ladies, gays and different minorities.
However the accomplishments within the early 1960s of the nonviolent Mississippi rnovement, supported so courageously by college students from Stanford and elsewhere, can’t be denied. The Voting Rights Act of I965 would end in greater than 60 % of eligible blacks truly registered to vote in Mississippi by the early 1970s, greater than 10 occasions the 1964 determine. Mississippi right now has the very best variety of black elected officers of any state within the nation. In the summertime of 1994, volunteers returning for a 30th reunion had been welcomed by civic banners on the Jackson airport. And in Hattiesburg, the city through which Larry Spears had been savagely crushed 30 years earlier than, the native newspaper featured the volunteer reunion on its entrance web page, paying tribute to these native individuals who had been “pioneers within the struggles of the early 1960s in Hattiesburg.” Vernon Dahmer, the unlucky host at Chris Wilson’s picnic, was one of many 29 pioneers receiving belated — and in his case, posthumous — accolades.
MOST OF THOSE Stanford college students who went to Mississippi consider that the expertise was one of many defining moments of their lives. Since that point, they’ve maintained an unusually excessive stage of dedication to social causes. The following careers of the 4 younger males within the first automobile to Mississippi on that Sunday morning in October 1963 are maybe excessive however not atypical examples. Holt Ruffin is now government director of the nonprofit Heart for Civil Society Worldwide, primarily based in Seattle. Fred Goff, in Oakland, is a marketing consultant to grassroots, public-interest organizations. Hugh Smith lives in Sacramento and is energetic in lots of causes, together with the profitable effort to guard California’s Mono Lake.
The tragedy of this lead group is Dennis Sweeney. A posh confluence of politics, persona and psychosis led Sweeney to shoot Allard Lowenstein to loss of life in Lowenstein’s New York Metropolis legislation workplace in April 1980. Sweeney was discovered responsible of manslaughter and served a number of years on Rikers Island in New York. He’s now working as a retailer supervisor whereas he continues the profitable completion of a protracted, step-by-step program designed to guide in the end to a full discharge by the New York State Psychological Well being Division.
Many members of the Stanford group date their very own private sixties expertise from the November 1963 Huge Sport postponed one week, till after the funeral of President Kennedy. A hushed crowd at Stanford Stadium heard the Nationwide Anthem, performed for the primary time by a single trumpet. In actual fact, the sixties at Stanford might have began one month earlier, when that first automobile pulled out for Mississippi. The 4 younger males who traveled in it nurtured the dream of a brand new period — certainly one of racial equality and true democracy. And their journey into the deep South introduced that dream one step nearer. •